But it’s the poor who are really losing. The
poorest third of households buy half of all lotto tickets, according to a Duke University study in the 1980s, in part because
lotteries are advertised most aggressively in poorer neighborhoods. A North
Carolina report from NC Policy Watch found that the people living in the
poorest counties buy the most tickets. "Out of the 20 counties with
poverty rates higher than 20 percent, 18 had lottery sales topping the
statewide average of $200 per adult," the North Carolina Justice
Center reported.
A 1986 California survey found that lottery
players were split 50-50 on whether they played for money or for fun. But among
those with less than $30,000, "25 percent more respondents cited money
rather than fun, while the reverse was true for those with higher incomes,”
wrote Garrick Blalock, David R. Just, and Daniel H. Simon in a study “Hitting the Jackpot or Hitting the Skids.” The
researchers made another damning discovery: Local lottery ticket sales rise
with poverty, but movie ticket sales do not. In other words, lotto games are
not merely another form of cheap entertainment. They are also a prayer against
poverty. This fits what the researchers call the “desperation hypothesis”:
States are making their most hopeless citizens addicted to gambling to pay for
government services.
Some policymakers argue that the moral cost
of lotteries is low. After all, the games are voluntary. And perhaps the money
collected by the state is better off going to schools than to booze and cigarettes and
whatever else.
But to see the true source of the lottery’s
appeal, don’t look at poor neighborhoods. Focus on the states.
Half a century ago, gambling was criminalized
in every state except Nevada. As recently as 1980, just 14 states held
lotteries. Today it’s 43. A political cynic might say lotteries are the perfect
public policy: A tax disguised as a game without an organized lobby to oppose it.
Corporate income taxes punish corporations, and companies respond with
lobbyists. Personal income taxes and estate taxes hurt the rich, and rich
families fund elections, so no need to elaborate on that problem. But lotteries
disproportionately affect the poor, who vote at lower rates, donate less to
campaign funds, and have inconstant representation on K Street and its
equivalents in the states. So no surprise that, as recently as 2009,
lotteries provided more revenue than state corporate-income taxes in
11 of the 43 states where they were legal, including Delaware, Rhode Island,
and South Dakota.
In an age of rising income
inequality, it’s pernicious that states rely on monetizing the desperate
hope of its poorest residents. State lotteries take from the poor to spare the
rich, all while marching under the banner of voluntary entertainment. Banning
lotto games will not make our poorest communities suddenly rich. But these
neighborhoods have lost enough lotteries in life even before they touch a penny
to the scratch-off ticket.
http://www.msn.com/en-us/news/other/lotteries-americas-dollar70-billion-shame/ar-BBjCfp2
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